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Reflection of Professionalism vs Protectionism, Global vs national in BT organization, policy and practice.

JCJeremiah Chung · Jul 9, 2016, 2:23 AM · Last modified: Sep 28, 2026, 11:38 AM
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1. Where we, BT practitioners, are in the spectrum of professional independence as individual, NGO in the project levels, organizational level, national level and international level?

2. How political can BT be within the church and outside the church? BT as profession career or academia or pure religious activity?

3. Do BT NGOes or BT practitioners have to be Bible believing? Are there evidence of integrity about the claim of Bible believing, words and deeds.

4. What is the nature of BT organization? Church? NGO? Parachurch(what does it mean)? Mission? Business? How does this nature affect the operation and interaction within and beyond the community?

5. Is BT practitioners, organization or structure? Profit? Non-profit? in what ways it is profit or non-profit?

6. How can decision of BT be made and with what source of authenticity in what level, i.e. global, national, projects, academic or religious/church?

1. How can the discrepancy or conflict of policy and practice about BT be resolved beyond national level?

2. In what level of significance of issues need to be handle by what level of administration, professional of the domain, in addition of other parties or not?

3. How can we ensure the obstacles of different languages and cultures being handled for the conflict resolution communication in multi-lingual and multi-national context?

4. How much we know or pay attention to the political and cultural boundary in national level or the levels below. If there are discrepancy within the national levels, what would be or should be the protocol for outsider/expat and/or the partners to response?


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CommentInsight & Opinion Hong Kong Medical Council reform may be a bitter pill for doctors to swallow, but its a necessary remedy Mike Rowse says the arguments against increasing the number of lay members, and looking at bringing in doctors who were trained abroad, dont hold water PUBLISHED : Sunday, 31 January, 2016, 8:30am UPDATED : Sunday, 31 January, 2016, 8:30am COMMENTS: 4

Mike Rowse

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PrintEmail There is no bigger fan of the quality of medical care in Hong Kong, including in our public hospitals, than yours truly. Around a year ago, my life was saved by being admitted promptly to hospital, on my GPs insistence, to deal with a mystery infection: the first blood test was for necrotising fasciitis, commonly known as flesh eating disease; luckily it was negative. And, 15 years ago, when my unborn son was diagnosed in the womb with a life-threatening illness, an emergency caesarean operation, followed 20 hours after birth by brain surgery, rescued him from an uncertain future (or, in the worst case, no future at all). You should see him now. So, naturally, when the subject of reform of the Medical Council was discussed on a radio show I co-host every week on RTHK, I came into it from an angle basically supportive of the doctors. But, after a thorough debate on the matter, I realised the story is not so simple. READ MORE: Hong Kong doctors threaten strike if government pushes reform plan for medical watchdog

There are presently 28 members of the council, 14 elected and 14 appointed by the chief executive. All those who are elected are doctors; seven of them are members of the Medical Association (in essence, the doctors trade union) and the other seven are members of the profession who are not in the association. A private members bill put forward by Tommy Cheung Yu-yan from the catering functional constituency which the government has decided to support, proposes to add four more lay members to the council. At first sight, that seems unfair to the doctors as it upsets the balance between elected and appointed members and, indeed, the Medical Association representative claimed this would undermine professional autonomy. Even if the proposed changes go through, this will not put lay members in charge of professional standards But, on closer inspection, it turns out that no fewer than 10 of the 14 appointed members are themselves doctors, and the chief executive does not actually get to choose them. Five organisations each have the right to nominate two people. The five are the University of Hong Kong and Chinese University (which each have a medical faculty), the Hospital Authority, Academy of Medicine and the Department of Health. The key point here is that all 10 must be doctors. Therefore, even if the proposed changes go through, this will not put lay members in charge of professional standards, it will simply alter the current ratio of 6:1 to 3:1, with medical personnel still very much in the majority. In deciding to support the bill, the government said it wanted to improve the mechanism for investigating complaints and disciplinary inquiries. There was also a case for reviewing how the council approaches the issue of non-locally-trained doctors. These are two sore points as far as the community at large is concerned. There is a perception possibly an unfair one that the council takes too long to investigate complaints and is, in general, overprotective of doctors interests. There have been some high-profile cases reported in the media which took years to reach a conclusion. The additional lay members would help cases be dealt with more quickly. Most doctors would prefer to see the delay issue addressed so that it does not reinforce the impression of institutional bias. READ MORE: At last, there is a plan to reform Hong Kongs Medical Council

It is the second aspect which catches the eye, and which led Cheung to introduce his bill. He has been quite open about his interests and has declared them publically: he has a daughter and son-in-law who both qualified as doctors in the US, and both practise there. They want to come back here to work, but have run into the buffer of the protectionist wall that the Medical Council has thrown up to deter them, and others, from doing so. We dont need to go into the detail about how this is done, suffice to say it is the result of present policies and procedures. At a time when Hong Kong is suffering from a shortage of medical personnel, it is clearly wrong to be obstructing professionals coming in from some of the toughest jurisdictions. A doctor who could treat US President Barack Obama is certainly qualified to treat Madam Wong from Wong Tai Sin. Sorry doctors, much as I respect you, I dont agree with your opposition to the changes. You have misdiagnosed this one: open wide and take your medicine. Mike Rowse is the CEO of Treloar Enterprises and an adjunct professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. mike@rowse.com.hk

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CommentInsight & Opinion

South China Sea HOME BACKGROUND THE HAGUE CASE ANALYSIS VIDEO INTERACTIVE What will guide Chinas response to the South China Sea tribunal ruling? M. Taylor Fravel says Beijing is likely to study the specifics of the Permanent Court of Arbitration decision and carefully watch the reactions of others, including the US, before deciding how it should act PUBLISHED : Friday, 08 July, 2016, 4:11pm UPDATED : Friday, 08 July, 2016, 7:32pm COMMENTS:

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DIPLOMACY & DEFENCE How we got to this stage in the South China Sea: understanding the source of tension 8 Jul 2016

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DIPLOMACY & DEFENCE China and US in silent fight for supremacy beneath waves of South China Sea 8 Jul 2016 Next week, a tribunal in The Hague hearing the arbitration case that the Philippines brought against China will deliver its verdict. It is likely to rule in favour of the Philippines on at least some of the submissions before it. Despite its commitments under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, China has refused to participate or recognise the legitimacy of the arbitration process. How Beijing will respond to any adverse ruling animates conversations in Washington, DC and capitals around Asia. The mainstream view is that China is likely to undertake some significant action, to demonstrate that it rejects the tribunals decision as well as to punish the Philippines and deter other states from pursuing similar cases. The two most discussed actions include initiating land reclamation at Scarborough Shoal or declaring an air defence identification zone over the South China Sea. UN chief appeals for peace as US and China step up patrols in South China Sea

Yet, how China will respond is probably the product of more complex calculations in Beijing. As Paul Gewirtz has recently noted, the tribunal itself will not resolve all the issues at stake in the South China Sea disputes over sovereignty and maritime jurisdiction. First, it cannot rule on the most fundamental issue the sovereignty over the islands, rocks and reefs that make up the contested Spratly Islands. As the Law of the Sea is an international treaty that created a regime for governing the oceans, the tribunal can only consider questions relating to the interpretation of the treaty and the zones of maritime jurisdiction it created. Because the treaty specifically omits territorial disputes, the tribunal lacks jurisdiction to adjudicate on the claims between China and the Philippines over the sovereignty of the islands.

A UN ruling against China wont help resolve the South China Sea dispute with the Philippines

Second, the tribunals award will avoid any question of maritime delimitation or boundaries. The reason is procedural: under Article 298, the treaty allows states to exclude maritime boundary delimitations from the conventions compulsory dispute resolution. Given that China issued such a reservation in 2006, the tribunal cannot consider any question of possible maritime delimitation. Taken together, the tribunal cannot determine who owns what land features in the South China Sea, or where maritime boundaries should be drawn. Instead, it will focus on how to interpret the convention in light of the facts pertaining to the case. Given these limits, the first factor that will shape Chinas response is the content of the award. The Philippines asked the tribunal to rule on 15 unique submissions. As a result, the content of the award is likely to be mixed and complex, perhaps without definitive answers on some issues. The Philippine submissions cover a range of issues, including the maritime entitlements of specific land features in the Spratly Islands currently occupied by China, fishing around Scarborough Shoal, and, above all, the legality of Chinas infamous nine-dash line and any possible claims to historic rights that China may claim within the line.

Is Beijing courting disaster by shunning South China Sea tribunal?

In October 2015, the tribunal ruled it had jurisdiction over seven of the 15 submissions and reserved the determination of jurisdiction of another seven to the merit phase (and asked for clarification of the last claim). Moreover, in the seven submissions where the tribunal determined it had jurisdiction, it conditioned that in two instances based on the absence of any dispute over maritime delimitation. If the largest land feature in the Spratlys, Itu Aba, is deemed to be an island that can generate a 200 nautical mile exclusive economic zone and continental shelf, then a possible maritime delimitation dispute would exist over Mischief Reef, Second Thomas Shoal, Subi Reef and Mckennan Reef, and prevent the tribunal from ruling on these submissions. As a result, the tribunal will produce 15 distinct decisions. The award itself is likely to be lengthy and detailed. The tribunal will need to explain its legal reasoning and understanding of the facts for each submission. The complexity of the award, and the possibility for a mixed decision, means China would face less pressure to react strongly with actions on the water The complexity of the award, and the possibility for a mixed decision that combines elements favourable and unfavourable to the Philippines, means China would face less pressure to react strongly with actions on the water. For example, the tribunal could find China has no basis for historic rights within the nine-dash line while at the same time not providing a definitive definition of the line. Because China has not officially defined the line, such a ruling may not warrant a strong Chinese reaction. The second factor shaping Chinas response is how other states will respond. Under the Law of the Sea treaty, the judgment of arbitral proceedings is binding on the parties. This holds even if one party has chosen not to participate. At the same time, it is not enforceable. Thus, the Philippines and other interested states such as the US will be faced with a decision on whether to try to compel China to accept the award. On the one hand, they could simply use the tribunals interpretation of the treaty to determine how they formulate their own claims or actions in the South China Sea. For example, if the tribunal rules that certain land features are not entitled to a territorial sea, the US may conduct a freedom of navigation operation within 12 nautical miles of such features. On the other hand, they could take actions in disputed waters subject to the arbitration to uphold favourable elements of the award, which in essence would amount to enforcement. The Philippines, for example, could decide to resume fishing activities inside Scarborough Shoal and request an American escort.

China warns US against infringing on its sovereignty ahead of ruling on territorial claims in South China Sea

The steady drumbeat of Chinas public diplomacy rejecting the tribunal reflects its hope that other states will not seek to compel China to accept any adverse findings. Therefore, China is most likely to calibrate its actions not only in light of the content of the award but also in response to efforts by other states to compel it to accept the findings. Earlier this week, Dai Bingguo ( ), Chinas point man for foreign affairs under Hu Jintao (), made this explicit. During a conference in Washington, DC, he said no country should implement the award in any form, much less force China into implementation. The key implication here is that China will take firm action. China is likely to focus on how the Philippines responds and whether new president Rodrigo Duterte engages China diplomatically. For its part, China should not put any preconditions on the initiation of negotiations, such as requiring Manila to renounce the tribunals award. At a minimum, the US will provide rhetorical support for the award. Arbitration is a clear example of peaceful dispute resolution, which plays a key role in US policy towards South China Sea disputes. But a mixed and complicated award means all states with an interest in supporting the outcome will need to study it in detail before determining how to proceed. What to expect from Asean statement on Hague courts South China Sea rulings

A third and final factor shaping Chinas response is the regional diplomatic calendar. The Asean Regional Forum will be held later this month, while the East Asia Summit is in early September and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in November. Land reclamation at Scarborough Shoal or establishment of an air defence identification zone in the South China Sea would guarantee that the disputes dominate regional discussions and likely increase security cooperation between the US and other claimants, an outcome China very much wants to avoid. How China will actually respond to the tribunals award, of course, is uncertain. Apart from continued public diplomatic efforts to delegitimise the tribunal, whether China takes bold action on the waters of the South China Sea is likely to depend on the content of the award and how other stakeholders respond themselves, especially the Philippines and the US. M. Taylor Fravel is associate professor of political science and a member of the security studies programme at MIT This article appeared in the South China Morning Post print edition as: ripple effect

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